When local interaction does not suffice: Sources of firm innovation in urban Norway

The geographical sources of innovation of firms have been hotly debated. While the traditional view is that physical proximity within city-regions is key for the innovative capacity of firms, the literature on 'global pipelines' has been stressing the importance of establishing communication channels to the outside world. This paper uses a specifically tailored survey of the level of innovation of 1604 firms of more than 10 employees located in the five largest Norwegian city-regions (Oslo, Bergen, Stavanger, Trondheim, and Kristiansand) in order to determine a) the geographical dimension of the sources of innovation and b) the factors behind the propensity to innovate in Norwegian firms. The results stress that while interaction with a multitude of partners within Norwegian city-regions or with other national partners has a negligible effect on firm innovation, those firms with a greater diversity of international partners tend to innovate more and introduce more radical innovations. The results also highlight that the roots of this greater innovative capacity lie in a combination of firm – size of firms, share of foreign ownership, and sector – and cultural – the level of open-mindedness of managers – characteristics.Innovation; radical innovation; interaction; pipelines; partnerships; firms; city-regions; Norway

Islands within an almost island: History, myth, and aislamiento in Baja California, Mexico

This paper examines the persistent histories and lasting effects of the Baja California peninsula\u27s status as an almost island. The peninsula is almost an island in so many ways. Its reputation as an island-like entity has also ben strengthened by a longstanding myth that it was, in fact, an actual island. In many senses it was an island - isolated, remote, difficult to envision, understand, and control. Geography and climate played a vital role in all of this, but so, too, did human imagination. The author uses the concept of shima, along with discussions about the dual meanings of the Spanish word aislamiento as a way to explore these issues. Aislamiento can refer more concretely to the effects of being on a landform surrounded by water, on the one hand, or the deep social and psychological effects of isolation. Ultimately, the author argues that it is this sense of isolation that works to produce, regardless of geographic and cartographic reality, a powerful sense of islandness

No evidence for an early seventeenth-century Indian sighting of Keplers supernova (SN1604)

In a recent paper Sule et al. (Astronomical Notes, vol. 332 (2011), 655) argued that an early 17th-century Indian mural of the constellation Sagittarius with a dragon-headed tail indicated that the bright supernova of 1604 was also sighted by Indian astronomers. In this paper it will be shown that this identification is based on a misunderstanding of traditional Islamic astrological iconography and that the claim that the mural represents an early 17th-century Indian sighting of the supernova of 1604 has to be rejected.Comment: 7 pages, 6 figures. To appear in Astronomical Notes, vol. 334, issue 5 (2013), DOI number 1172

Archaeological Investigation of a Spring Lake Lot for Joe\u27s Crab Shack Parking

On August 19 and 25, 1997, the Center for Archaeological Research (CAR) of The University of Texas at San Antonio conducted an intensive survey for cultural resources at the proposed location of a parking lot for Joe\u27s Crab Shack Restaurants along Spring Lake, Hays County, Texas. The work was contracted by Southwest Texas State University (SWTSU) and conducted under Texas Antiquities Permit number 1877. Upon completion of the survey and subsurface testing, CAR determined that no cultural resources would be impacted by the planned parking lot construction. CAR therefore recommended that the project sponsor be allowed to proceed as planned with the proposed project and the Texas Historical Commission (THC) has concurred

Manus Province: Text summaries, maps, code lists and village identification

The major purpose of the Papua New Guinea Agricultural Systems Project is to produce information on small holder (subsistence) agriculture at provincial and national levels (Allen et al 1995). Information was collected by field observation, interviews with villagers and reference to published and unpublished documents. Methods are described by Bourke et al. (1993). This Working Paper contains a written summary of the information on the Agricultural Systems in this Province, maps of the location of agriculture systems, a complete listing of all information in the database in coded form, and lists of villages with National Population Census codes, indexed by agricultural systems. This information is available as a map-linked database (GIS) suitable for use on a personal computer in ESRI and MapInfo formats. An Agricultural System is identified when a set of similar agricultural crops and practices occur within a defined area. Six criteria are used to distinguish one system from another: 1. Fallow type (the vegetation which is cleared from a garden site before cultivation). 2. Fallow period (the length of time a garden site is left unused between cultivations). 3. Cultivation intensity (the number of consecutive crops planted before fallow). 4. The staple, or most important, crops. 5. Garden and crop segregation (the extent to which crops are planted in separate gardens; in separate areas within a garden; or are planted sequentially). 6. Soil fertility maintenance techniques (other than natural regrowth fallows). Where one or more of these factors differs significantly and the differences can be mapped, then a separate system is distinguished. Where variation occurs, but is not able to be mapped at 1:500 000 scale because the areas in which the variation occurs are too small or are widely dispersed within the larger system, a subsystem is identified. Subsystems within an Agricultural System are allocated a separate record in the database, identified by the Agricultural System number and a subsystem number. Sago is a widespread staple food in lowland Papua New Guinea. Sago is produced from palms which are not grown in gardens. Most of the criteria above cannot be applied. In this case, systems are differentiated on the basis of the staple crops only. The Papua New Guinea Resource Information System (PNGRIS) is a GIS which contains information on the natural resources of PNG (Bellamy 1986). PNGRIS contains no information on agricultural practices, other than an assessment of land use intensity based on air photograph interpretation by Saunders (1993. The Agricultural Systems Project is designed to provide detailed information on agricultural practices and cropping patterns as part of an upgraded PNGRIS geographical information system. For this reason the Agricultural Systems database contains almost no information on the environmental settings of the systems, except for altitude and slope. The layout of the text descriptions, the database code files and the village lists are similar to PNGRIS formats (Cuddy 1987). The mapping of Agricultural Systems has been carried out on the same map base and scale as PNGRIS (Tactical Pilotage Charts, 1:500 000). Agricultural Systems were mapped within the areas of agricultural land use established by Saunders (1993) from aerial photography. Except where specifically noted, Agricultural Systems boundaries have been mapped without reference to PNGRIS Resource Mapping Unit (RMU) boundaries. Agricultural Systems are defined at the level of the Province (following PNGRIS) but their wider distribution is recognised in the database by cross-referencing systems which cross provincial borders. A preliminary view of the relationships between PNGRIS RMUs and the Agricultural Systems in this Province can be obtained from the listing of villages by Agricultural System, where RMU numbers are appended. Allen, B. J., R. M. Bourke and R. L. Hide 1995. The sustainability of Papua New Guinea agricultural systems: the conceptual background. Global Environmental Change 5(4): 297-312. Bourke, R. M., R. L. Hide, B. J. Allen, R. Grau, G. S. Humphreys and H. C. Brookfield 1993. Mapping agricultural systems in Papua New Guinea. Population Family Health and Development. T. Taufa and C. Bass. University of Papua New Guinea Press, Port Moresby: 205-224. Bellamy, J. A. and J. R. McAlpine 1995. Papua New Guinea Inventory of Natural Resources, Population Distribution and Land Use Handbook. Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation for the Australian Agency for International Development. PNGRIS Publication No. 6, Canberra. Cuddy, S. M. 1987. Papua New Guinea Inventory of Natural Resources, Population Distribution and Land Use: Code Files Part 1 Natural Resources. Division of Water and Land Resources, Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation and Land Utilization Section, Department of Primary Industry, Papua New Guinea, Canberra

Degradation and forgone removals increase the carbon impact of intact forest loss by 626%

Intact tropical forests, free from substantial anthropogenic influence, store and sequester large amounts of atmospheric carbon but are currently neglected in international climate policy. We show that between 2000 and 2013, direct clearance of intact tropical forest areas accounted for 3.2% of gross carbon emissions from all deforestation across the pantropics. However, full carbon accounting requires the consideration of forgone carbon sequestration, selective logging, edge effects, and defaunation. When these factors were considered, the net carbon impact resulting from intact tropical forest loss between 2000 and 2013 increased by a factor of 6 (626%), from 0.34 (0.37 to 0.21) to 2.12 (2.85 to 1.00) petagrams of carbon (equivalent to approximately 2 years of global land use change emissions). The climate mitigation value of conserving the 549 million ha of tropical forest that remains intact is therefore significant but will soon dwindle if their rate of loss continues to accelerate

Chastity, bachelorhood and masculinity in early modern Europe : the case of the Hospitaller Knights of St. John (c. 1520- c. 1650)

This chapter engages with gender through an analysis of the historiography of chastity, bachelorhood and masculinity in early modern Europe. We begin with an overview of the ideas and practices related to chastity during the Middle Ages and how these were challenged and upheld as a result of the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. From there the discussion moves on to consider a range of bachelorhood models that challenge the assumption – generally premised on the study of Protestant communities – that all men across Europe aspired to be patriarchal heads of households. In those parts of Europe where the Catholic Church retained its presence, men had a range of options to choose from in deciding what sort of life they wanted to lead. One such option – particularly for noblemen – was membership in the military-religious Order of St John the Baptist (of Malta). The focus of studies dealing with chastity has been primarily on women, but this was a practice that influenced men as much as women. By looking at the Knights of St John, this study provides comparative material against which the experiences of women that have been analysed in many pioneering studies can now be more broadly understood. As part of the discussion of chastity, bachelorhood and masculinity within the Order of St John, this study draws a comparison between Baldassare Castiglione’s Il libro del corteggiano (1528) and Frà Sabba Castiglione’s Ricordi ovvero ammaestramenti (1546). Frà Sabba, a Knight of St John, is the lesser-known cousin of the famous Baldassare. Comparing the ideas of these two 16th-century men throws a revealing light on the varieties of manhood in early modern Europe. The overall aim of this chapter is to show how gender was at the heart of diverse male religious identities. It responds to a historiographical need to study gender in military-religious institutions in order to understand how religious and aristocratic/military ideals of masculinity interacted. In this way, the chapter contributes one further piece to the knowledge of social/religious identities and experiences that characterised early modern Europe.peer-reviewe

¿(No) “solo Madrid es Corte”?: la cabeza que gobierna un imperio de Cortes

In his Libro Histórico Político, Solo Madrid es Corte (1658), the royal chronicler Alonso Núñez de Castro, defined Court as the head that governs; where reason and the king (as head of his kingdoms) his councilors, vassals, and other important men reside. Núñez, emphasized Madrid’s population, listed its councils and described their functions, in detail explained the etiquette observed around the King’ body, and included the hierarchy of all his kingdoms and provinces in the Spanish Habsburg empire, offering detailed accounts of their finances and contributions to the royal treasure. The work, in fact, established the imperial space (and geography) of the larger Spanish Habsburg political body, with Madrid as its courtly and political-cultural head. In its structure and arguments, Núñez’s work followed principles established at the end of the 16th century by Giovanni Botero as characteristic of a great city and in works describing the greatness of Lima and of the city of Mexico. A comparison of Madrid with other courtly cities of the Spanish Habsburg Empire helps elucidate reasons for its low profile as referent in the documentation of the New World, despite its place after 1561, as the political-administrative head of the empire.El cronista real Alonso Núñez de Castro en su Libro Histórico Político, Solo Madrid es Corte (1658), define a la Corte cómo la cabeza que gobierna, dónde reside la razón, y el rey (como cabeza de los reinos), sus consejos, vasallos y hombres importantes cercanos a él. Núñez enfatiza la población de Madrid, enumera los consejos del rey y sus funciones, describe detalladamente la etiqueta observada en la Corte alrededor del cuerpo del rey, incluye la jerarquía de la totalidad de reinos y provincias del monarca, y da cuenta detallada de sus finanzas y contribuciones al erario real. Esta obra produce/establece el espacio (y geografía) imperial del cuerpo político de los Austrias españoles con Madrid como su cabeza cortesana y político-cultural. También se conforma a estructuras y argumentos similares a los que Giovanni Botero, a fines del siglo XVI, definió como característicos de una gran ciudad como cabeza, y los que describen las grandezas de Lima y de la ciudad de México. Una comparación de Madrid con otras ciudades-cortes del cuerpo político de los Austrias españoles, ayuda a entender su bajo perfil en la documentación del Nuevo Mundo, a pesar de su lugar a partir de 1561 como cabeza político-administrativa dentro del imperio